Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning has neither confirmed nor denied involvement in getting Iran to negotiate a ceasefire with the U.S. and Israel, stating only that China has made its own efforts for a diplomatic solution. According to the New York Times, three Iranian officials said China pressured Iran in the last moment to show flexibility to reduce tension, and in private conversations urged Iran to take a step back and stop escalating the situation. Multiple reports indicate Beijing's powerbrokers are being credited with pushing Iran towards agreeing to the ceasefire, with Iranian and Pakistani officials reporting that Beijing played a crucial role in the 11th-hour negotiations in Islamabad. U.S. President Donald Trump told AFP that he believed China had got Iran to agree to a ceasefire, while Guancha, a nationalist online outlet, asserted the conclusion could not be achieved without active mediation of China, Pakistan and other countries. However, Nicholas Lyall, a senior researcher at Trends, noted the deal is so advantageous to Iran that encouraging the regime to agree was like pushing an open door, and that Iran has made no real concessions in agreeing to begin talks.
U.S. intelligence assessments allege that China is quietly taking a more active role in the Iran war and may have even sent shoulder missiles to Iran in recent weeks, with CNN intelligence sources stating China is planning to send weapons to Iran. Multiple reports describe the weapons as handheld air defense systems, or man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADs), that can be used against low-flying aircraft, and indicate they would be brought in via a third country to circumvent sanctions, with China working to route shipments through third countries to make it difficult to trace their origin. A spokesperson for the Chinese embassy in Washington, D.C., denied the allegation, saying China has never provided weapons to any party in this conflict, and according to Euronews, Ben Cavender described China as having very little to lose by staying quiet and a lot to gain by being seen as a neutral party. The intelligence is not conclusive, and there is no evidence that Chinese missiles have been used against American or Israeli troops so far.
China has also made its own efforts for that.
Iran has for decades been China's closest ally in the Middle East, with both opposing a global order dominated by the U.S., and the close cooperation was cemented through an agreement in 2021. However, Yun Sun, a researcher and director at the Stimson Center, told major media that Beijing has long felt increasing frustration towards Iran, becoming disillusioned and losing faith in Iran as a political force in the Middle East, and noting Iran's response to the U.S. and Israel's first attack in June was weak and measured. Major media reports suggest Xi Jinping does not see what remains of the old regime in Iran as a guarantor of oil and political influence, yet official sources indicate China stands close to Tehran but has avoided directly assisting Iran throughout the conflict.
China's economic interests are deeply tied to Iran, with no country buying more crude oil from Iran than China, and multiple reports state China buys a very large part of the oil from Iran, and has done so for a long time in violation of international sanctions. Energy security remains a key concern, as China depends heavily on oil imports from both Iran and Gulf countries, with 55% of all crude oil China imports coming through the Strait of Hormuz and 13% of China's crude oil imports from Iran. According to Tatiana Khanberg, founding director at Statem Consulting, China has invested heavily in domestic production and has fallback options such as coal, but the reliance on Middle Eastern oil underscores the stakes in regional stability.
The wars would never have started.
China has taken a cautious approach to the Iran war, avoiding direct involvement while positioning itself as a neutral actor, with multiple reports noting its ability to shape events on the ground remains limited, particularly compared to the United States. Foreign Minister Wang Yi has made 26 calls to counterparts in other countries recently, and a special Chinese envoy for the Middle East has traveled to the region to mediate, according to multiple reports. Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning stated that China had been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to all hostilities, and according to Euronews, Ben Cavender described China as quickly becoming seen as a more stable and rational nation compared to the U.S.
International reactions to China's role are mixed, with Guancha, a nationalist online outlet, claiming the ceasefire could not be achieved without China's mediation, and U.S. President Donald Trump telling AFP he believed China got Iran to agree. Iranian and Pakistani officials reported Beijing played a crucial role in negotiations, but Nicholas Lyall, a senior researcher at Trends, argued Iran made no real concessions and the deal was so advantageous that encouraging agreement was like pushing an open door. According to the New York Times, three Iranian officials said China urged Iran in private to take a step back, highlighting behind-the-scenes influence that contrasts with public neutrality.
The conclusion of this ceasefire could not be achieved without active mediation of China, Pakistan and other countries.
China's military and technological cooperation with Iran extends beyond alleged weapons, as multiple reports indicate Iran is using the Chinese equivalent of GPS, Beidou, to guide its ballistic missiles at targets in Israel and against U.S. targets in the area. Recent intelligence assessments indicated that Chinese companies have continued to sell materials to Iran that are needed to produce rocket fuel, and the week of March 2, two state-owned Iranian vessels, believed to be transporting sodium perchlorate, departed from a Chinese port. These activities suggest ongoing support despite denials of direct weapon shipments.
On the diplomatic front, China together with Russia on Tuesday vetoed a UN Security Council proposal that could have led to military intervention to open the Strait of Hormuz, according to multiple reports. This move aligns with China's interest in protecting oil shipments through the strategic waterway, where 55% of its crude oil imports transit, and reinforces its stance against U.S.-led interventions in the region.
China had been actively working to promote de-escalation and an end to all hostilities.
Contextually, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi stated the wars would never have started, reflecting Beijing's broader diplomatic stance that criticizes U.S. involvement. Mao Ning emphasized China's efforts for de-escalation, while energy security concerns drive China's cautious engagement, as it balances relations with Iran and Gulf states to ensure oil flows. According to Tatiana Khanberg, China's investments in domestic production provide fallback options, but the region remains critical for its economic stability.
In reactions, a spokesperson for the Chinese embassy in Washington, D.C., denied weapon supply allegations, asserting China has never provided weapons to any party in this conflict and calling the information untrue. The spokesperson added that as a responsible major country, China consistently fulfills its international obligations, urging the U.S. to refrain from baseless allegations and do more to de-escalate tensions.
China has very little to lose by staying quiet and a lot to gain by being seen as a neutral party.
Implications of China's balancing act include maintaining a facade of neutrality while allegedly supporting Iran militarily and economically, which could undermine ceasefire stability if weapons shipments are confirmed. The veto at the UN Security Council signals China's willingness to block international actions that threaten its interests, potentially complicating future diplomatic efforts in the region. This dual role may enhance China's influence as a mediator but risks alienating Gulf states and drawing sharper U.S. scrutiny.
Key unresolved questions persist, including whether China has actually sent weapons to Iran as alleged by U.S. intelligence, and the extent of its direct involvement in mediating the ceasefire beyond public statements. How China's dual role as a mediator and alleged weapons supplier affects the ceasefire's stability remains unclear, as does the impact of its UN veto on future actions regarding the Strait of Hormuz. The long-term implications of China's balancing act between Iran and Gulf states for regional alliances are also uncertain, with potential shifts in power dynamics depending on how openly Beijing sides with Tehran.