Péter Magyar's Tisza party won a landslide victory in Hungary's parliamentary election, securing a two-thirds constitutional supermajority in parliament. Multiple reports indicate Viktor Orbán was ousted as Prime Minister after 16 years in power. Several opinion polls show that Péter Magyar and his party Tisza were leading big ahead of the election.
Magyar grew from a virtually unknown figure to the biggest threat to Fidesz in two years, rising to prominence during a 2024 presidential pardon scandal. He broke with Fidesz after a Facebook post accusing the government of corruption, then did an interview with Partizán that boosted his popularity. Magyar organized a rally in Budapest attracting tens of thousands, took over Tisza, won a seat in the 2024 European Parliament elections, and then ran in the national election. He is a trained lawyer who started his political career in Fidesz and was part of its top echelon for many years. The 2024 pardon scandal involved the president pardoning a man who helped cover up child abuse, leading to resignations and Judit Varga leaving politics.
Our independent institutions have been captured over the last 16 years.
Orbán has been Prime Minister for 16 years, running Hungary with what the European Parliament termed a 'hybrid regime of electoral autocracy'. Since 2010, Viktor Orbán and his party Fidesz have had a stable majority in parliament. Fidesz systematically shifted power away from institutions that could be easily directed by a parliamentary majority, through long-term appointments, gerrymandering, media control, and weakening rule-of-law structures. The European Parliament passed a resolution in September 2022 stating Hungary no longer meets the criteria of a functioning democracy but is a 'hybrid regime of electoral autocracy'. Under Orbán, Hungary became an authoritarian, corrupt country that acted as an EU troublemaker.
The Hungarian economy is struggling, and Orbán has been buffeted by scandals, including revelations about Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó regularly speaking to his Russian counterpart before and after EU summits. Hungary is repeatedly at the bottom of Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index. According to a survey by Medián, 70 percent of Hungarian voters say that in 2024 they are worse off than the year before. Right after the 2022 elections, huge welfare cuts were made alongside tax increases to tackle the budget deficit.
This is an opportunity to write a new chapter in Hungarian history. There is an opportunity to restore a more independent Public service and strengthen independent media.
Magyar called for a two-thirds supermajority to wind back constitutional changes made by Fidesz affecting the judiciary, media, and other areas. He called on key state figures, including President Tamás Sulyok, to resign or face removal. Magyar vowed to change the constitution to restore democratic standards, including limiting prime ministerial terms to two (eight years). He has promised a crackdown on corruption, rebuilding democratic institutions, a more EU-friendly course, but a strict migration policy similar to Orbán's.
Péter Magyar and Tisza promised a change of regime, resetting relations with the EU and ending close relations with Russia. Orbán vetoed €90bn in aid to Ukraine, angering European partners. There was palpable relief in Brussels after Orbán's defeat, as he had declared himself at Vladimir Putin's service. Hungary under Magyar is likely to be a 'normal' EU member state that argues for its own interests rather than weaponizing vetoes for Russia.
The opposition would 'stop at nothing to seize power'.
Orbán's government resisted EU sanctions on Russian oil after the 2022 invasion, doubling down on cheap imports, helping maintain low energy prices but leaving Hungary vulnerable. Tisza vows to end reliance on Russian energy by 2035 and double renewable energy share by 2040. Tisza explicitly singled out battery factories in its clampdown on polluting industries, citing environmental controversies.
Péter Magyar's rise in Hungarian politics has been partly linked to a growing network of independent media in a country where 80% of media are categorized as pro-government by Reporters Without Borders. Independent media were behind several of the major revelations that characterized the election campaign. The Orbán-friendly media have accepted the election result. According to SVT Kultur, Erik Larsson hopes Péter Magyar will also be positive towards the EU's new media law, which was taken to court by the Orbán government.
Do not give in to 'Fidesz pressure and blackmail'.
Tisza promises to crack down on corruption, rebuild relationships with the EU, end political bargaining on environmental issues, and enforce stricter regulation of polluting industries. Magyar has promised a crackdown on corruption, rebuilding democratic institutions, a more EU-friendly course, but a strict migration policy similar to Orbán's.
Magyar's election could reshape Orbán's influence network in Brussels, affecting figures like EU Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi and think tank MCC Brussels. Olivér Várhelyi is the subject of an internal Commission investigation into his alleged role in a spying scandal involving Hungary's permanent representation in Brussels. Analysts suggest Anita Orbán, a former diplomat unrelated to Viktor Orbán, is likely to be foreign minister and has written on Kremlin energy policy.
We don't give our children, we don't give our weapons and we don't give our money.
The election was Hungary's most important since Orbán came to power in 2010. There were fears the election would be formally free but unfair in practice, and concerns about post-election events. According to the latest survey by Medián, the center-right Tisza party is favored by 47 percent of those who would vote in an upcoming election, with Fidesz trailing at 36 percent.
Several Finnish politicians congratulated Magyar and Tisza on the election victory, including President Alexander Stubb and Prime Minister Petteri Orpo. Orbán aligns with U.S. President-elect Donald Trump's MAGA-style mantras on national sovereignty.
A simple change of government is not enough to solve these problems; a change of regime is needed, because an organised criminal group is effectively running our country.
The specific constitutional changes Péter Magyar and Tisza will implement with their supermajority remain to be seen, as does how his government will address Hungary's economic struggles and corruption. The exact timeline and measures for ending reliance on Russian energy by 2035 are not yet detailed, nor is it clear how the relationship between Hungary and the EU will evolve under Magyar's leadership regarding rule-of-law issues. The impact of Magyar's policies on media independence and freedom in Hungary is also uncertain.
Key figures from Fidesz — including a president, a justice minister and a high-ranking clergyman — were revealed to have played leading roles in pardoning an aide to a pedophile director of a children's home. The government has promised that '2025 will be a fantastic year.'
Várhelyi 'did not reveal the whole truth' about the spying allegations.
I am ready to support the €90bn EU loan for Ukraine as long as Hungary does not take part, the same terms agreed by Orbán last December.
Ukraine's EU accession is 'not in the next ten years'.
I hope Russia's aggression on Ukraine ends soon and then Europe would 'immediately' lift sanctions, citing economic costs.
EU climate ambitions are a 'utopian fantasy'.
The election confirmed Hungary's place in Europe and called for a strong Central Europe within a strong EU.
I will restore the rule of law, plural democracy, and checks and balances, using the two-thirds mandate without anti-democratic measures.
I will try to work with central bank governor Mihaly Varga if he respects independence.